IT HAS practically become a phenomenon all over the country. In many places, politics has become one of the most lucrative family businesses. A municipality, a city, a whole province, sometimes even a region, can come under the control of one political clan. One member is governor, another is mayor, another sits in Congress, while relatives occupy other elective positions. When terms run out, they exchange places or pass the position to another member of the family.
This is where political dynasty and patronage politics reinforce each other. Once a family remains in power long enough, public service can easily be transformed into a system of personal favors and indebtedness. Government jobs, contracts, permits, scholarships, ayuda and access to public resources can begin to look like favors bestowed by politicians rather than services to which citizens are entitled. Utang na loob, padrino, palakasan. The longer such a system operates, the harder it becomes for ordinary citizens without money, machinery or a famous surname to enter public service.
Our Constitution already anticipated this danger. Article II, Section 26 of the 1987 Constitution commands the State to guarantee equal access to opportunities for public service and to prohibit political dynasties “as may be defined by law.” And yet, for 39 years, Congress has failed to enact that law.
The Supreme Court has now unanimously declared that this is not merely an aspiration but a constitutional command, and that Congress’s prolonged failure to act constitutes grave abuse of discretion. It has directed Congress to enact an anti-political dynasty law “with utmost urgency” and “at the earliest opportunity.”
But there is an obvious difficulty. Can we realistically expect a Congress in which political dynasties themselves are deeply entrenched to readily enact a genuinely effective law that will restrict their own political power? The Supreme Court itself noted the persistence of dynasties despite repeated bills over many Congresses and referred to possible lack of interest, convenience, or self-interest behind the prolonged inaction.
Perhaps this is where we need to rediscover another form of People Power.
The Constitution reserves legislative power not only to Congress but also to the people through initiative and referendum. Under Republic Act 6735, Filipinos can directly propose a national law through a People’s Initiative. It is no small undertaking: the petition requires signatures from at least 10 percent of all registered voters nationwide, with at least 3 percent of the registered voters in every legislative district.
That means a genuine anti-dynasty People’s Initiative cannot simply be a movement of Manila or the big cities. It would have to reach the barrios, towns, cities and provinces of the whole country—including precisely those places where patronage politics and political dynasties are most deeply rooted.
This is why I wonder whether PPCRV could consider taking a leading role in such a nationwide citizens’ effort. PPCRV describes itself as a national, parish-based, political but nonpartisan lay movement. It already has a nationwide network devoted to voters’ education, principled participation, authentic democracy and good governance—and explicitly challenges the politics of “patronage, popularity and payoffs.” A People’s Initiative would, of course, require careful legal preparation and broad cooperation far beyond PPCRV itself. But its nonpartisan character and parish-based national network could make it particularly suited to help educate citizens and, should it freely decide to do so, participate in organizing such an effort.
This is why I strongly welcome the pastoral statement of the CBCP supporting the Dapat Isa Lang People’s Initiative. It makes an important distinction: this is not a campaign against particular families, parties, candidates or public officials. It is about changing a system.
Perhaps the time has come for a new kind of People Power—not to install one political family and remove another, but to open the doors of public service to more Filipinos.
Public office is not a family inheritance. It is a public trust.
